This propaganda works on two fronts. The first is to instill hatred in Sunni individuals, particularly against Shiites, Alawites, and minorities in general—but especially focusing on Alawites for another ulterior motive. This hatred is fostered through deep, crisis-driven feelings of victimhood.
The Syrian revolution could not genuinely be launched under the pretext of dignity and children’s fingernails (referring to early protests), because any rational person would realize that such slogans were just noise without real substance. The Syrian people felt a strong sense of national dignity and pride, being among the most educated and cultured in the region. Economically, they were self-sufficient and held significant political weight in the region, forcing even the Americans to account for them in any regional equation for over fifty years.
However, a narrative of Sunni victimhood was manufactured based on two prior events: first, the creation of Iraqi Sunni victimhood through the execution of Saddam Hussein; and second, Lebanese Sunni victimhood through the assassination of Rafik Hariri. Then came the necessity to complete the "victimhood trinity" by fabricating Sunni victimhood in Syria, which drew upon and was bolstered by the previous two narratives.
In the early months of the Syrian war, opposition rhetoric quickly shifted from calls for dignity and freedom to the theme of Sunni victimhood and the narrative that "Sunnis are being killed by Alawites and the Nusayri regime." This led to a different consciousness and a greatly exaggerated sense of Sunni persecution, despite the fact that in nearly every confrontation with the Syrian state (which was labeled "Alawite"), the Sunni Islamist factions were the ones who initiated violence.
For example, in the Artillery School massacre, Islamist Brotherhood factions expressed their rejection of the regime through a bloody statement meant to reflect their worldview and perceived victimhood. They opposed the idea of minorities holding power and believed that religious majority—not political or party majority—should determine governance, unlike the norms in advanced countries. The targeting of Alawites in that massacre was a message to all minorities and a declaration of Sunni victimhood, claiming that being a majority yet not ruling equals being oppressed.
Then came the events in Hama, where the Muslim Brotherhood again initiated violence. The group must bear the greatest responsibility, as they chose the nature, timing, and location of the conflict—right in the heart of urban neighborhoods—and initiated it, not the state military.
Sunni victimhood has since become part of collective consciousness. No matter what the fallen Syrian state does, it can never satisfy the desire to eliminate this feeling of oppression. Strangely, those immersed in this sense of injustice do not perceive the cycle of violence that destroyed Syria as their own doing. In their minds and consciences, all the killing and destruction was solely the regime’s fault.
Even though battles took place in their neighborhoods, waged by armed groups with no regard for civilian cost, the state was blamed for every bullet and shell. Yet, constitutionally, the state was obligated to protect civilians and keep violence away from cities. It tried hard to neutralize civilians and achieve reconciliations, often at its own expense. Had it not done so, it would have abandoned its constitutional and moral responsibilities.
No amount of effort could convince many that the chemical weapons issue was fabricated and purely a political blackmail tool. The opposing Sunni mind refuses to believe otherwise and insists on blaming the regime. But the real reason for this stubbornness isn’t a lack of evidence—it’s the need to validate their sense of victimhood and justify the destruction of a state that "used chemical weapons" against them.
Belief in the regime's guilt in the chemical attacks is one of the ways used to reinforce Sunni victimhood and justify violence against others. It also strips them of human compassion—as evidenced by how the massacre on the Syrian coast was not only accepted but welcomed by hate-filled voices, with a cold Sunni response, excused as: "She brought this upon herself." In reality, a segment of the Sunni population has been stripped of its humanity by being filled with hate and fed exaggerated, distorted stories of atrocities. Their sense of humanity became confined to their own suffering, because the feeling of persecution became so swollen it overshadowed all natural emotions.
The issue of displacement has also been blamed entirely on the state. The state tried to avoid displacement, but faced uprisings in neighborhoods and violence from chaos-driven groups that deliberately chose to fight inside towns and cities to create instability and mass displacement. It is impossible to argue that displacement was state policy when the state engaged in a bitter struggle to protect civilians.
Common sense tells us that most displaced people left their homes because of insecurity and the transformation of their areas into war zones due to the actions of armed groups. Others left due to economic devastation and unemployment, caused by the opposition’s boastful destruction of the state’s economy—at the expense of the Syrian people.
This Sunni victimhood was exaggerated and fabricated to turn into a psychological complex. The only imagined end to the oppression is the rise of a Sunni regime—regardless of its quality, even if it’s the worst imaginable form of rule. This model, once rejected and despised by Syria’s early founders, is a regressive, darkness-based system that can only continue by keeping the sense of oppression alive.
To sustain this oppression, the sense of Sunni religious identity must be maintained, and that is only possible by fueling more religiosity, sectarianism, and the spread of radical Sunni ideologies—adopting Taliban and ISIS-style models. Society would shift from universities to mosques, education and awareness would decline, and Islamic studies would be emphasized in ways that contribute nothing to society. Syria would turn into a stagnant society, living off myths, awaiting miracles and the afterlife, much like Saudi society did for decades under the control of extreme religious groups.
If the Western project succeeds in severing the internal Sunni population from interaction with educated, open-minded communities—especially those on the Mediterranean coast—then the Sunni interior will drown in darkness. This is a clear American goal: to turn Sunni Islam in the Levant into a breeding ground for jihadists, extremists, and clerics. This model best serves Israel’s security because such a society cannot develop or advance. It would replicate the tragedy of Saudi society, which ironically is now trying to escape it.
A role reversal is unfolding that will be catastrophic for the Sunni community in the Levant, which is now entering a dark era and betraying itself. To willingly and eagerly enter this darkness is self-betrayal, self-destruction. To gouge one’s eyes out to avoid seeing light is a crime committed against oneself and one's children.
No one will save the Sunnis in the Levant except the Sunnis themselves. They have fallen into a historical trap. They are the true prey, contrary to the claim of Hamad bin Jassim of Qatar who said the prey had escaped. In reality, the true target of the war has always been the Sunnis of the Levant—those who will be divided among Turkey, Saudi Arabia, Israel, America, and Qatar.
The fall of the previous regime will ultimately be a loss for the Sunnis—a fact they won’t realize, but their descendants will, when they look back at this period and see how the Sunnis of the Levant were victims of a terrible conspiracy that misled and ensnared them into ignorance and backwardness. A conspiracy that the Syrian minorities will survive, as they will not fall into the Takfiri trap. In fact, major powers will likely give them favorable status, turning them into regional economic hubs—unlike the large Sunni bloc, which could have been a source of power and expansion but is now subdued. It will be tamed like a wild tiger turned circus performer, guarding American interests and serving as a human reservoir for future wars.
It is the same Anglo-Saxon mind that drew the Sykes-Picot map, invented Lebanese and Jordanian identities out of nothing, and now fabricates the Sunni victimhood illusion in the Levant. Today, it stirs up a forced Alawite victimhood through violence and massacres to later use it as fuel for its future projects.
Remember: No one—neither America, the UN, Arabs, nor Europe—will save the Sunnis of the Levant. Everyone is conspiring against them. Only they can save themselves and wake up from this illusion and mass insanity. They must take to the streets to stop this farce before it’s too late—before the farce devours them, and devours their children.
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